The occasion was the formal return of mission schools to their original owners by the Anambra State Government on November 21, 2011. The 749 mission schools affected by this policy and 291 government schools are to receive in four installments, over a 15-month period, the sum of N6 billion in pursuit of global standards in education. Assuring his audience at the Women Development Centre, Awka venue of the ceremony that this money has been set aside in a designated bank account, Governor Peter Obi then made a solemn declaration. 'I am not in a popularity contest. I am here to do what is in the best interest of the State. I will do what is right even if it is unpopular.'Clearly, this is no ordinary submission. An assertive statement like this would either be at the instance of a policy enunciation or deliberate reaffirmation. And we know in the light of Anambra State's tortuous politics, that Obi, regardless of his pace-setting achievements, has faced stiff opposition from the political tribe. Femi Adesina captured the scenario in Daily Sun of May 27, 2011 thus: 'Today, Obi is badgered from all sides, both at home and in the Diaspora. If you read materials posted on the Internet, you think Anambra is perpetually at war with itself. But the reality is often different. I know that good things are happening in Anambra.'And this appears to be the main source of the unease. Development has come to Anambra with a price. Obi's efforts at good governance inevitably brought painful economic and political dislocations for not a few. Can we realistically expect those discontented with this restructuring of statecraft and governance in Anambra to become Obi's public relations managers' It is not difficult to see why some may experience a feeling of alienation in the new Anambra under Obi. The state's short history is an excursion into the misfortunes that attend a polity run on culture of impunity. In the first lap of her journey, the state was abused by teams of military lords and their civilian henchmen who regarded the territory as their private estate. Service and accountability were out of the question; for these were rulers, not governors. Few social service contracts were awarded; fewer were actually started and fewer still ever completed. Typically, the rulers were distant, aloof and generally snobbish of the people. It was largely a situation of internal colonialism that shredded the joy of a new state and its promises. In tandem with the military constituency's resolve to retain power in the Fourth Republic, the Anambra cabal bulldozed its way back to power in the new 'democratic' order. The PDP 1998 governorship nomination process was ambushed and bastardised. With the cabal dictating the theme of the transition, democratic rule debuted in 1999 with a rocking, mortgaged government. Subsequently, managing the appetite of the power-cartel became the main business of the government. The embattled Chinwoke Mbadinuju regime then sought relevance in noisy politicking. A visitor to the seat of government in those hectic days would be pardoned for mistaking the place for a motor park or market. An endless coming and going of crowds typified the daily scene. Rallies, accompanied by drumming and singing, demonstrations and solidarity visits were regular occurrences at Government House. The message that went out ' even if unintended ' from this hollow preoccupation was that governance was about politics.This pedestrian definition of leadership and government was only slightly modified by the succeeding regime, yet another product of the cabal's conspiracy. In managing the baggage of electoral swindle which trailed its emergence, the Chris Ngige regime sought refuge in realpolitik. It embarked on aggressive populist politics to divert attention from its legitimacy stigma and endear itself to the masses. As with the preceding Mbadinuju government, this meant that considerable time and labour had to be devoted to political mobilisation. Busy with strategising and advertising regime support, the misleading impression that politics was synonymous with governance was sustained. Street-wise politicking also demanded that populist benefits rather than priority override considerations in project implementation. Road construction proved a tantalising choice in this regard because of its visibility. Once the first road projects were acknowledged by a long-deprived people, Ngige's regime became obsessed with roads to the neglect of other critical areas of social service.The abandonment of other sectors of development is bad enough for any state economy. Yet, governance is more than the provision of infrastructure. Planning and prudent management of resources are of critical importance in boosting the fortunes of any organisation. But even more fundamental to the well-being of a state is the sense of an ennobling mission which drives the policies of Government. It is this reinforcing principle of governance which transcends political interests that Obi has dared to follow.The Peter Obi administration has laid even emphasis on both the tangible and non-tangible sub-sectors of the economy. By investing in the non-visible and long-term development aspects of the social economy like education, healthcare, agriculture, manpower training, justice delivery, sports, security and commerce and industry, Obi has given a radical meaning to development previously unknown in Anambra State. 'Afuba wrote in from Nimo, Anambra State.
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