Regional Editor (News), Olawale Rasheed, in this report, further X-rays the difficulties Yoruba have been facing in the course of Nigerian nationhood.As the nation grapples with security challenges, a hithertounnoticed or barely overlooked development is popping up with respect to the treatment of the Yoruba race in the Nigerian body polity. Whether by act of omission or commission, extensive checks across federal institutions and arms of government returned a sordid tale of low and under-representation of the race regarded as one of the most civilised in Africa. Now the once leading race, a major part of the Nigerian tripod, has been returned to fourth or even farther ranking in national affairs.The trend appears, at first, imperceptible until recently when nationally-minded south-westerners realised the depth and dimension of the systematic reduction of the zone to fourth class ranking even in fields where it used to hold national advantage. Reputed for their civility and patriotic zeal, reports now showed even influential Yoruba concede that the zone has never been this trampled upon in term of representation in national structures.It sounds alarmist at first but a data of appointments across all national sectors return a verdict of deliberate or mistaken weeding out of south-westerners even in their traditional areas of professional dominance. Findings indicate that the trends of appointments and allocation of strategic national offices among the six geo-political zones is increasingly authenticating the already widespread opinion in the South-West that there is a systematic and deliberate attempt to marginalise the race. The thinking in the zone is that the Yoruba have never been so pushed out of national equation as it is today except in the early part of the First Republic when the Northern led federal government rabidly hunted down Yoruba leaders and neglected the zone.Investigations revealed one puzzling aspect of the marginalisation politics. While many cannot hold down President Goodluck Jonathan as the catalyst of the festering marginalisation of the Yoruba, it is however certain that the practice is becoming a stinking sore. So, if the order is not a presidential directive, many are confused as to how the weeding policy/process began.Right from the topmost echelons of power, the marginalisation of the South-West is quite visible. In the State House for instance, none, out of the Chief of Staff, the Deputy Chief of Staff, the National Economic Adviser, the National Security Adviser and the Permanent Secretary are from the South-West. Naturally, the structure of the State House would pose a worry to the unrepresented Yoruba.But if the structure in the State House is excused on account of national security, the same cannot be said of other appointments in the national political structure.Checks across the three arms of government reveal a surprising level of non-representation of Yoruba. Where they are represented, they are in obscure positions.As things stand today, the Yoruba are mostly in lowly positions despite being very critical and pivotal in the making of the new democratic order. Many have opined that the manifestation of such marginalisation is becoming too obvious for it to be a coincidence or an accident of discretion.A flashback into the eight years of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo's rule showed that the zone played the nationalist card by not unduly favouring the birth zone of the then incumbent president. The situation was so bad that even the South- West was largely not fully attended to as witnessed in the non-completion of the Lagos 'Otta Expressway, the Lagos 'Ibadan road, Ibadan-Ilorin road and others. The former president was then very conscious (or nave) about the need to rule the nation as a Nigerian, and not as an Owu Yoruba with an obligation to the South-West.In federal appointments under the Obasanjo Presidency, other races even had edge over the South-West. For example, Obasanjo practically handed over the financial sector to the Igbos with an Igbo man as the Central Bank of Nigeria governor and Finance Minister at a stage. When he removed a South West candidate as Governor of Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), he replaced him with an Igbo. Obasanjo's economic team was composed mainly of Igbos and northerners. They were so powerful in Obasanjo's government that prominent Yoruba, at times, had to pass through members of the economic team to get their ways with the government.In fact, the real players under the Obasanjo Presidency did not include a south-westerner. You had the likes of former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar and Olusola Akamode (1999 to 2003); Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Mallam Nasiru el-Rufai, Dr Andy Uba, Charles Soludo and Senator Ibrahim Nasiru Mantu, among others.Those close to the General said he adopted the approach because he was conscious of a day when his race would be out power. 'The fact that we (Yorubas) ruled like patriotic Nigerians will allow our successor to treat us fairly,' he was said to have reasoned. Alas, that approach seems misplaced and idealistic as the Yorubas are not just being treated unfairly but they are largely out of reckoning in the comity of tribes within the federation. While Obasanjo left most road projects in the South-West to his successors, having awarded the contracts, the roads soon became abandoned projects. Today, all the major roads in the zone are eyesores.Obasanjo who once announced that he was not a Yoruba leader, is now increasingly forced to advocate and defend the Yoruba people in the face of unmitigated side-lining.The situation is so bad that many are wondering whether the South West is still part of Nigeria. A sector-by-sector analysis will show clearly this disturbing trend. In the executive arm, legislative and judicial arms of government, Yorubas are nowhere to be found. In the ministries and agencies, it is worse. First, the Yoruba are lowly represented in the economic team. In two, of the more than 10 first class ministries; Yorubas had only one which is Agriculture. Other zones grabbed the key ministries, while apart from Agriculture, Yorubas are pushed to Police, Information Technology, Trade, Foreign Affairs and other portfolios.In the judiciary, there is no Yorubaman among the first eight justices of the supreme court. This means that a Yorubaman becoming the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) in the foreseable future is a tall-ambition (see the list on page 23).As if to reduce the zone's visibility, the selection of ministers from the zone was handled in a way that edged out Yorubas with political clout. For example, the Agriculture Minister, though a world renown expert, has no political root; Olusegun Aganga, another brilliant expert in the trade and investment ministry is a London- based professional who has no interest in the politics of the federation. The same situation applies to the Foreign Minister, a retired diplomat with no political root, and the other female expert at the Information Technology Ministry.Interestingly, the application of gender balancing was so applied that the zone had three female ministers out of its nominees. Two of them were made junior ministers, thus giving them additional burden as they have no voice other than that of the substantive ministers in their ministries. The totality of the cabinet structure was that, aside the technical skills of few of her ministers, the zone lacks the political clout within the Federal Executive Council (FEC)to advance its interest in term of appointments and allocation of national resources. None of the ministers can dare speak out, even when the zone is being trampled upon.That is not all; the South-West, aside weak representation in the council, also has low representation in the headship of the executive agencies and extra ministerial departments. The CBN, Customs Service, Petroleum Fund, FHA, NNPC, NPA, Space Agency, NDIC are headed by northerners. Of course the South-South and the South East are having a field day monopolising the rest. The Yorubas are left with the Prisons Service and the grudgingly conceded Accountant General's Office after protracted battle of attrition. Indeed, there are reports that where some agencies conduct competence tests which place some Yoruba candidates ahead, the results are discarded to ensure that those from favoured zones get the desired positions.Within the public service of the federation, the Yorubas are also badly treated. For the past 10 years, the North monopolised the position of Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission. Of course the distribution of Permanent Secretaries also showed Yoruba in less important ministries and agencies. It is interesting to discover that until November last year, the last time any Yorubaman presided over the civil service of the federation was 35 years ago. When the zone was to be given an opportunity; an officer with less than a year left in service, Professor Oladapo Afolabi, whose tenure lasts till the end of this month got the nod. He was said to have performed brilliantly at the screening, making President Jonathan to discard a report from the Federal Civil Service Commission meant to sideline him in favour of a northern candidate.It took spirited advocacy of the Tribune titles before the ongoing search for a new Head of Service was extended to cover the South-West. Initially, it was learnt that a backyard arrangement had been concluded which effectively shut out the Yoruba. Even at that, the latest reports indicate that the South-West may eventually be given the Chairmanship of the Federal Civil Service Commission which the North West had occupied for the last 10 years while the position of Head of Service will go to the North-East. Many also fear that if no follow up is done, that little concession may be usurped by other zones.If the marginalisation is well pronounced within the executive arm, it is worse even in the legislative and the judicial arms. As at today, Yorubas are missing in the top hierarchy of the judiciary. The Chief Justice of the Federation (CJN), the President of Court of Appeal (PCA), the President of the Federal High Court, the President of the Customary Court, the Registrar of the Supreme Court, the Director General of the Law Reform Commission, National Judicial Institute and other key sectors of the judiciary are non-Yorubas. Of course, the duo of Solicitor-General of the Federation and the Justice Minister are northerners.Within the legislature, the situation is very dramatic and pathetic. Yorubas are missing - Senate President, Deputy Senate President, Senate Leader, Deputy Senate Leader, House Speaker and Deputy Speaker. The South-West however got the position of House Majority Leader after protracted insistence by the leadership of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Within the committee of principal officers in both chambers, South-West lawmakers have only two representatives - the House Leader and the Deputy Senate Whip. The South-West lost a speakership duly allocated to it under the PDP zoning formula due to dual factors and forces that are truly reprehensible. First, a North, bitter about a Jonathan Presidency, visited that anger on the South-West by hijacking and usurping a position that rightly belonged to the Yoruba people, though the act was perfected with the connivance of Bola Tinubu's Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). Many had expected the North to wait till 2015 to get its pound of flesh from the South-South rather than visiting injury and injustice of future consequences on the South-West.Worst still, many had thought the presidency would come to the aid of the South-West by delaying the appointment of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) until after the House voted so that the Yorubas could, at least, be given the SGF in compensation for the expected loss of the speakership. That grace many had expected the president to give the South-West, considering the fact that the punishment on the speakership was partly traceable to the vociferous and insistent support of the zone for the Jonathan ascension to presidency. Unfortunately, the president rushed to concede the SGF to the South- East even when the signs were clear that the South-West could lose the speakership to the North-West.An unforgivable aspect of the Yoruba marginalisation saga in the House of Representatives is that some Yoruba ACN lawmakers, because of party affiliation voted against the South-West. While their leader, Bola Tinubu, is angling to be Yoruba leader, his party played a prominent role in selling a political birth right of the Yoruba people for juicy committee positions. If the ACN had not supported the North West against the South-West, the zone may not have been robbed of its political right today.Some observers believe that the political calculation of the ACN and its leadership was that denying South-West PDP a national high ranking rallying point would considerably weaken the party in the zone before 2015. Those who believe there is a pact with the devil are quick to link the preceding with the non-appointment of a Yoruba with compelling political clout into the federal cabinet. Whatever the situation, many analysts and senior Yoruba leaders are at a loss as to how a party could sell out its race for mere political gains.Aside the legislature, the marginalisation also extends to the security agencies. South-Westerners are, today, lowly placed in the Nigerian Police and the State Security Services, as well. A competent Yoruba officer acting as the National Security Adviser lost his position in the new configuration. Aside headship issue, Yorubas in security services are badly posted despite their high competency in the field.Within the military, the three services have no Yoruba head, even though the titular joint head, the Chief of Defence Staff is conceded to the zone. The all-powerful Chief of Army Staff goes to the South-East and before, him the North-West occupied the slot. Throughout the eight years reign of Obasanjo, no Yoruba man was made Chief of Army Staff. Now that he is out of office, the South West is waiting for reciprocation of that impartial and nonpartisan demonstration of faith in the Nigerian dream.As things stand today, four of the six zones have a strong voice and representation in government. The North-West cruises home with the vice- presidency, the House speakership that rightly belong to the South-West, in addition to four other first grade ministries. The South-East has the SGF, the Deputy Senate President, the Deputy Speaker, the de facto Prime Minister, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, alongside more than three other first grade federal ministries. The South-South is expectedly favoured as the holder of the number one spot in the land.Those statistics of injustice are forcing many in the zone to ask questions as to what went wrong. Is there an unseen force within or outside the Presidency enforcing this policy' Or is the problem within the South-West itself' Some commentators disagree with putting the blame on external forces, insisting that the South West is its own enemies. Here General Obasanjo was blamed on three counts.The first was the perception that the Otta farmer failed to secure a deal for the zone from Mr President when he commenced the battle to enthrone the Bayelsa politician as a president even in the face of vehement northern opposition. While the South-East and the North-Central were busy cutting deals, the General never cut any, leaving the zone of his birth to the vicissitudes of political machinations. The second was that the General's belief in his own infallibility led him to take so many geo-political factors for granted, especially during and after the election. He did not expect such rabid reaction from the North on the speakership tussle or probably assumed that presidential and party weight would crush such uprising. The handling of the speakership nomination from the home front coupled with the General's direct role in the zoning politics of the PDP mixed together to worsen the fortune of the zone.The last according to keen watchers of national event was the failure of the PDP in the South West to manage itself effectively. This fault blamed on the former president led handlers of Mr President to initiate a secret pact with the opposition party in the zone and that contributed in a way to the defeat of the PDP at all levels in the South West except at the Presidential election. The loss of the zone was said to have undermined the perception of the former President and the South West PDP within the Presidency.The consequence according to informed sources was that nominees of the Otta farmer to key posts were said to have been turned down. It was learnt that his nominee for Chief of Army Staff was turned down. His preferred nominee for NSA was also said to have been rejected, while critical decisions were being taken without his involvement. It is not clear whether the Presidency has, indeed, severed relationship with Tinubu in view of his latest travails.In the subsisting scenario, observers are of the belief that President Jonathan may not be fully aware of this statistics of marginalisation. When the Yoruba Council of Elders visited the State House recently to call his attention to this challenge of marginalisation, it was clear the President did not get the full picture before then. This has led some insiders to believe that there will soon be a readjustment to ensure even distribution of the first grade ministries and federal agencies and parastatals.
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