THE turn of events in Libya late last week would have taken few by surprise. The eight-month war between the forces of the National Transition Council (NTC) and those loyal to the regime of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi was bound to end up with the latter capitulating.It was a sad and bloody end for a maximum ruler who captivated the world with his nomadic Bedouin tent and steelring of armed female bodyguards. Yet the seed for Libya's war of liberation was sown elsewhere in North Africa. The act of self-immolation carried out by fruitseller, Mohammed Bouazizi, in neighbouring Tunisia was the commencement of what the media has dubbed the 'Arab Spring'. It was clear that the Arab World was going to witness deep changes in the way in which its citizens lived; democratic governance, freedom from political repression and state censorship became much-sought after values. The passion for liberty on Libyan soil was first lit in Benghazi and quickly spread round the rest of the country. Over the months, a series of fierce battles saw Gadaffi's strongholds such as Tripoli, Ben Walid, Misrata and finally his hometown of Sirte, fall to the NTC. Known as 'Brother-Leader', Gadaffi wrote the rules for Libyans in his famous Green Book. In it, he preached a system called Jamahiriyya. His love-hate relationship with the West occasionally descended into name-calling. Former US president Ronald Regan referred to him as the 'mad dog of the Middle East'; to others he was a 'Gadfly'. Having renounced state sponsorship of terrorism, handed over the two suspects in the 1988 bombing of Pan- Am flight 103, the post-Lockerbie years saw Gadaffi being courted and feted by Western leaders. The Americans, British, French and Italians visited and hosted him at various times. Due to its vast oil resources, Libya remained a key strategic partner. This was clearly demonstrated by the warm reception he received from Western leaders. However at the peak of the war, these same countries, through a UN Resolution, declared Libya a no-fly zone and proceeded to assist with the fighting. The death of Libya's strongman, who was once hailed as a rallying figure for antiimperialism in Africa, should serve as a useful lesson. The undeniably, unforgettable last pictures of a dusty and bloodied Gadaffi being dragged by his people, must be instructive to sit-tight rulers in various parts of the world, especially Africa. The tendency for African rulers to be authoritarian and intransigent in their approach to governance must be addressed. It is clear that harbouring a false sense of entitlement and inheritance through the constant manipulation of the constitution undoubtedly has its pay day. Historians are likely to front-end the horrible consequences of leaders who ran repressive regimes before cataloguing the actual events. Events in Libya have shown that the consequences at the end game tend to be unpredictable. In Time Magazine's recent listing of the 'Top 15 Toppled Dictators' all the entrants had a disgraceful, humiliating and sometimes bloody end. The list emphasises that the leaders were 'overthrown by their own people'. Expectedly, Africa's Idi Amin, and Mobutu Sese Seko made the list. The gale of mass protests sweeping across North Africa is likely to spread to other parts of the Continent. Parts of sub-Saharan Africa still remain home to sit-tight, intemperate leaders who brutally crush any whiff opposition and seek perpetual presidential terms. The last generation featured Jean- Bedel Bokassa of Central Africa Republic, Omar Bongo of Gabon, amongst others. The current set of long-serving presidents includes Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Paul Biya of Cameroun, Blaise Campaore of Burkina Faso and Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal. Little wonder the Continent is seen as a dictator's paradise. Indeed in Southern Africa, Angola's President Jose Eduardo dos Santos has the dubious honour of being Africa's longest serving ruler, along with Equatorial Guinea's Mr Teodoro Obiang Nguema. As recent as September, youths probably taking a cue from events in North Africa protested about dos Santos' 32-year rule. Equatorial Guinea also experienced pockets of protests last June. There is concrete proof that Africa's longserving rulers should be nervous. The revolutionary power of social media has been critical to galvanising the mass prodemocracy protests witnessed so far. The people of these countries have lots of reasons to want a change and the rulers have provided the ammunition for discontent. For instance many of these countries are swamped with poverty, high rates of unemployment, lack of social amenities, wide-spread official corruption and repressive measures. Beyond this, strong democratic institutions are non-existent and where available, are weak and subject to state manipulation. Indeed several of the African presidents pay lip-service to democracy and good governance. This fact is occasioned by the frequent practice of using constitutions to extend their stay in office and undermining democracy. Sadly, the regional institutional structures do not appear to be strong enough to counter the Continent's rampant corruption. That this easily leads to a decline in democratic governance and political reform is incontestable. One of the aims of the African Union (AU) is to enthrone 'democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance'. This, the AU sought to push forward by creating in 2001 an initiative known as New Partnerships for Africa Development ( NEPAD). The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), the implementation tool established to expand democracy by monitoring political and economic reform, has not however recorded much success. In 2005, it was reported that its work was 'blocked' in Kenya. The fact that longserving rulers still exist and operate free- Gadaffi's death and lessons for Africa handed repressive regimes shows that the APRM has not lived up to its billing. Another area of limited AU impact is clearly demonstrated in its apparent hesitance over problematic issues in countries such as Cote d'Ivoire, Zimbabwe. Its ineffectiveness was also displayed when the war in Libya commenced. As long as African leaders reject plural and working democracies and continue on the infamous path of 'business as usual', they run the risk of the street power which as has been demonstrated in Libya could led anywhere. For democracy to survive in Africa, it must awaken and proactively build and strengthen its democratic institutions making them effective; create room for bottom-up political reforms. The political class should take on the role of true statesmanship, embrace democratic governance and know when to bow out. Advocacy and civic rights groups must keep up the pressure of reminding political leaders about the importance of pursuing and upholding democratic values. As for New Libya there are still plenty of challenges for the National Transition Council. As it leaders declared Sunday October 23 'Day of Liberation', the task ahead requires a government to unify a broken and brutalised society; not least is the rebuilding of a country devoid of bitterness and recriminations over the recent incidents. Building an inclusive society; ensuring security for all civilians and migrants, particularly Black Africans, must also be a critical part of the measures towards the healing processes. Announcements by the NTC that elections will be held in eight months time signifies the commencement of what should be the installation of enduring democratic structures and governance.
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